The Trinamool Congress has lost the 2026 Bengal election, and lost it decisively. The BJP has stormed to power with a massive 206-seat victory, reclaiming Bengal after 15 years of the barbaric TMC rule. Journalists and political commentators will offer you many explanations: anti-incumbency, corruption, syndicate raj, industrial decline, and governance failure. But there is one reason that no one will tell you, which is this: the Mamata-led TMC has faced the wrath of karma.
Under her government, God Ram was systematically branded a ‘bohiragoto’, a nomadic outsider and foreign invader, in state school textbooks. The same regime that built a 65,000 crore commercial empire on the Akal Bodhon Durga Puja, which God Ram himself initiated, taught Bengal’s children to view him as an alien conqueror.
I’m reminded of what Atal Bihari Vajpayee, the former Prime Minister of India, had once said: ‘BJP se ladna hai toh lad lijiye, lekin Ram se mat ladaiye… mit jayenge’ (Fight with the BJP if you want to, but do not fight with Lord Ram — you’ll vanish).
It seems Mr Vajpayee’s words have become true.
The autumn worship, or Akal Bodhan of Goddess Durga, Bengal’s greatest festival, Sharodiya Durga Puja, occurs in autumn because of God Ram.
The Krittibasi Ramayan, composed by Krittibas Ojha of Phulia, Nadia district, in the first half of the 15th century, contains the Akal Bodhan episode. As God Ram prepares for the final battle against Ravan in the autumn month of Ashwin, God Brahma advises the “untimely” (akal) invocation of Goddess Durga. God Ram shapes an earthen image, performs Chandi Paath, and offers 108 blue lotuses (neel kamal), gathered by God Hanuman. Goddess Durga hides one lotus to test him. In its absence, out of devotion, God Ram prepares to offer his own eye, his eyes being lotus-like (padmalochana). Deeply moved, Goddess Durga appears, grants darshan, and blesses him with victory. That is why Bengal worships Goddess Durga in Ashwin and not in spring. That is why the idols are made of earth. That is why the lotus is sacred in every mandap. Every pandal builder in Kumartuli, every weaver in Shantipur, every stall owner feeding devotees after arati, all of them, whether they know it or not, are downstream of an untimely prayer that a Bengali poet recorded six centuries ago.
The festival was aggressively promoted by Banerjee through grand road shows and international marketing. As a result, the UNESCO Intangible Cultural Heritage tag was secured in 2021. Foreigners flowed in by the thousands, turning Kolkata into a global spectacle. Even amid repeated controversies, such as delaying Bishorjon (idol immersion) to accommodate other events, the state pushed ahead.
Plus, West Bengal’s Durga Puja economy is estimated at Rs 65,000 crore in 2025, with Kolkata contributing nearly 70% of the total. A 2019 British Council study estimated the festival’s creative economy at Rs 32,377 crore, accounting for approximately 4% of the state’s GSDP. Over 3 lakh jobs are generated in idol-making and allied crafts alone. The food economy, the textile economy, the pandal construction economy, the tourism economy, every single rupee flows from one event: the autumn worship, the Akal Bodhon of Goddess Durga.
Then, we are well aware that God Ram transcends any single geography. For Thailand, Ramayan becomes Ramakien, the national epic, performed in royal ceremonies to this day. For Indonesia, it takes the shape of Kakawin Ramayan, which lives on in temple carvings and shadow-puppet theatre. Similarly, Cambodia has the Reamker, whereas Laos has the Phra Lak Phra Ram. But who was he, per the eminent masters of history under the Left and Banerjee’s government and by Banerjee herself? An outsider, a roamer, a nomad.
To quote, a chapter titled ‘Bharatiya Upamahadesher Prachin Itihaser Dhara’ (Streams of Ancient History of the Indian Subcontinent), Page 8, in a Class 6 History textbook Atit O Oitijhya (Past and Heritage) presents the Ramayana through an extended classroom-style dialogue between children and their grandfather (Dadu). The text reads:
Full Bengali Text from Page 8
Opening part:
অনুসরণ করতে পড়ে তানিয়ার মনে প্রশ্ন তৈরি হলো। রবির দাদুর কাছে একদিন ও জানতে চাইল সেগুলোর উত্তর। আচ্ছা দাদু, রাক্ষস-রাক্ষসীরা কি সত্যিই ভয়ানক দেখতে হয়?
Main Dialogue:
অরুণ বলল, মেলার মাঠে রাম-রাবণের যুদ্ধ দেখেছি। রাবণ তো রাক্ষস রাজা। তাই হারুকাকা রাবণ সাজার জন্য মুখে কালি মেখেছিলেন। তিতির বলল, দাদু, রামায়ণের রাবণের সত্যিই দশটা মাথা ছিল? দাদু সবসময় ওদের প্রশ্ন শুনে খুশিই হন। বললেন, মানুষের কল্পনায় আর কথায় এভাবেই গল্পগাথা তৈরি হয়। রাক্ষসের যে বর্ণনা তোমরা জানো, সে সবই মানুষের কল্পনা। রামায়ণের গল্পকথায় কিন্তু রাবণ খুব সুন্দর দেখতে ছিলেন। আর দশটা মাথা মানে দশ দিকে যার মাথা খাটে। পলাশ বলল, তাহলে রাবণকে কবে থেকে আর কেন ভয়ানক ভাবা শুরু হলো? দাদু বললেন, এই তো ইতিহাসের কেন ও কবে তোমাদের ভাবাতে শুরু করেছে। রামায়ণ কী তা তোমরা সবাই জানো? সুরাইয়া বলল, রামায়ণ তো রাম-রাবণের যুদ্ধের গল্প। আচ্ছা দাদু, রামায়ণ কি ইতিহাস? দাদু বললেন, ইতিহাস সবেতেই আছে। … অরুণ বলল, বাইরে যোরা বা রোমিং (Roaming)-এর জন্য। দাদু বললেন, ইংরেজিতে Roaming শব্দটার একটা মানে হলো ঘোরা। আবার সংস্কৃত রাম শব্দের একটা অর্থ যিনি ঘুরে বেড়ান। খেয়াল করো ইংরেজি আর সংস্কৃত শব্দ দুটির অর্থের মধ্যে মিলটা। কোনো এক সময় একদল যাযাবর ঘুরতে ঘুরতে চলে এসেছিল ভারতীয় উপমহাদেশে। সেখানকার পুরোনো বাসিন্দাদের সঙ্গে শুরু হলো তাদের মেলামেশা। তার সঙ্গে চলল যুদ্ধ-লড়াই। সেই যুদ্ধে বেশিরভাগ সময় বাইরে থেকে আসা মানুষগুলি জিতে গেল। তারপর আস্তে আস্তে উপমহাদেশের উত্তর অংশে তারা বসতি তৈরি করল। ধীরে ধীরে দক্ষিণ অংশেও ছড়িয়ে পড়েছিল তারা। মনে করা হয়, দক্ষিণ অংশে ছড়িয়ে পড়ার সেই কাহিনীই রামায়ণে পাওয়া যায়। যুদ্ধে জয় আর বসতি গড়ে তোলার কথা ঘিরে তৈরি হলো অনেক গল্প। সেগুলি ফিরতে লাগল মুখে মুখে। সেই গল্পগুলোতে যুদ্ধে হেরে যাওয়া মানুষদের অন্যরকমভাবে দেখানো হলো। তারা কখনও রাক্ষস বা অসুর, কখনও বা দৈত্য। তাহলে তারা কখনও অসভ্য বা দস্যু। রামায়ণ সেই যুদ্ধে জেতা মানুষদের গল্প। তাই হেরে যাওয়া রাবণ সেখানে খারাপ ও ভয়ানক।
English Translation
“…In English, one meaning of the word Roaming is to wander. In Sanskrit, one meaning of the word Ram is also ‘one who roams/wanders’. Notice the similarity in meaning between the English and Sanskrit words. Once upon a time, a group of nomads wandered into the Indian subcontinent. They started mixing with the old inhabitants there. Along with that came war and conflict. In that war, most of the time, the people who came from outside won. Gradually, they settled in the northern part of the subcontinent. Slowly, they also spread to the southern part. It is believed that the story of their spread to the southern region is found in the Ramayana. Many stories were created around the victory in war and the settlement. These stories spread from mouth to mouth. In those stories, the people who lost the war were shown differently, sometimes as rakshasas or asuras, sometimes as giants. Thus, they were portrayed as uncivilised or dacoits. The Ramayana is the story of the people who won that war. That is why the defeated Ravan appears evil and terrifying there.”
When in reality, in Sanskrit, Rāma (राम) derives from the root √ram, to be pleased, to delight, to be at rest, to charm. It means ‘the pleasing one,’ ‘the charming one,’ ‘one who gives joy.’ The Monier-Williams Sanskrit dictionary confirms this. It also carries connotations of dark or black, referring to Rama’s complexion. It has no etymological connection whatsoever to English ‘roaming’, which comes from Old English ramian, meaning ‘to wander’; there is zero connection to “roaming” (Sanskrit terms for wanderer include yāyāvara, cārin, pathika, etc.).
There I say: this was a crude, deliberate distortion.
And superficial sound similarity between words from two different branches of the Indo-European family is not etymology. It is the kind of thinking that, by the same logic, would also allow us to conclude that RAM, in capitals, stands for Random Access Memory. Therefore, God Ram was a humanoid computer chip wandering the subcontinent, storing data. The absurdity of such an analogy is intentional and matches the absurdity of the original claim in the best possible sense. Hence, the claim is not just wrong; it is linguistically preposterous and deeply blasphemous for any native Bengali (or any Indic ear). However, being on the left requires a certain kind of mediocrity. So, avoid if you are only coming across work as mediocre as that of Banerjee and company.
By the way, who promoted this absolute absurdity? The Class 6 reference book was published by Professor Nabanita Chatterjee, edited by Shirin Masood (creative-in-charge, often described as a Professor of History linked to Calcutta University), and vetted by an expert committee headed by Aveek Majumder (lecturer in Jadavpur University’s Department of Comparative Literature, and chairman of the syllabus committee) with Rathindranath De (principal of David Hare Training College, Kolkata) as a key member.
Oh, the sheer intellectual heft! Professors Shirin Masood, Nabanita Chatterjee, Aveek Majumder, and Rathindranath De must have had so much “science” (and Marxist dialectics) weighing heavily on their heads that they skipped basic Sanskrit linguistics, where Rāma means “pleasing” or “charming,” deeply rooted in Indic tradition, along with any serious Ramayana scholarship or the epic’s geography across Bharat.
Why bother with facts or civilizational continuity when a colonial-style migration fantasy and “parikalpana” (hypothesis) fit the ideological script so perfectly? That’s how they turned Maryada Purushottam, Bengal’s “Raghu”, into a foreign raider and flipped the Ramayana into a conquest narrative. Real cultural bedrock of a civilisation? Nah, too inconvenient when the goal is to deconstruct Indic heritage through a materialist lens. This is a classic outcome of decades in which Marxist frameworks, backed by the Congress-Left ecosystem, captured textbooks, universities, and syllabi across India, especially in Bengal. Something that the renowned political scientist, Pratap Bhanu Mehta, also agrees to.
I wonder, if this is the standard of “expert” editing and committee oversight for school kids, with such a basic topic, a civilisational figure to be precise, what children were/are being taught when it comes to complex subjects. No wonder there’s massive pushback today.
Nevertheless, actual historians, linguists, and traditional scholars have shredded these claims for years. God Ram remains a native cultural icon and civilizational hero, not an import; the Bengali Marxists should ask Purulia’s Ajoydhya pahar, Sita kund, naya village chitrakars, and, for a change, read Ojha’s Ramayana and they’ll be good with ‘sound knowledge’.
Given the TMC government’s consistent track record, experts and critics point out that behind all the aggressive whataboutery lies sheer appeasement politics, a pattern of systematically diluting Bengal’s cultural and historical roots to suit vote-bank sensitivities. Appeasement of a kind in which Hindu temples remained under strict government control via the Debottar Department since colonial times, with revenues diverted to the state exchequer post-independence. But Madrasas and Islamic institutions received direct grants, modernisation schemes, and greater autonomy. Imams received monthly salaries of Rs 2,500, far earlier and at higher rates than Hindu purohits, who waited eight years for a comparable scheme that paid half the rate to a fraction of the beneficiaries: 55,000 imams versus 8,000 purohits, at Rs 1,500 against Rs 2,500. Hajj subsidies, special scholarships, and targeted welfare schemes were aggressively promoted.
And during festivals, Goddess Durga idol immersion timings were restricted to accommodate Muharram, where the Calcutta High Court had to strike down both the 2016 and 2017 orders and call them “a clear endeavour to pamper and appease the minority section of the public at the cost of the majority section.” Who can forget that attempts were made to include large sections of Muslims in OBC quotas, struck down or challenged in courts, as classic examples of converting religious identity into economic entitlement.
On top of this, the Minority Affairs and Madrasa Education budget in West Bengal rose from Rs 472 crore in 2010–11 to Rs 5,713 crore in 2026–27, a 1,100% increase, more than 12 times over in 15 years. TMC alone, across its tenure, is estimated to have spent between Rs 40,000 and Rs 60,000 crore on this single head. To put that in perspective: in the 2026–27 budget, this one allocation exceeded the combined budgets for Industry and Commerce (Rs 1,400–1,483 crore), IT and Electronics (Rs 217 crore), and Science and Technology (Rs 82 crore). Where the Union Government’s total minority welfare allocation for the entire country stood at approximately Rs 3,400 crore in 2025–26, TMC-led West Bengal alone, across all 28 states + 8 Union Territories, allocated Rs 5,713 crore, in a single year.
Karma watched every step.
The TMC did not merely fight political opponents. They waged a sustained war on Bengal’s civilizational memory itself, in classrooms, in language policy, and in governance. They believed they could insult the soul of the land, dilute its heritage, and still harvest its festivals and devotion for power and profit. Karma has no ideology. It only has perfect accounting.
On May 4, 2026, the bill came due and West Bengal delivered its verdict. A collective of 50 years of systematic cultural erosion, appeasement, and hypocrisy ended not with a whimper, but with a decisive rejection, proving that the wrath of karma is rarely loud, it is precise, patient, and final. This time, it was total. The era of twisting Bengal’s heritage for power is over. Karma has spoken.
